Gennady Moskal, whose biography is replete with secrets and outrageous antics, is one of the brightest politicians in modern Ukraine. An intricate political fate and many positions betray an extraordinary personality in him, and his impulsiveness and soldierly straightforwardness cause conflicting assessments. A fighter against corruption and a patron of bandits, an excellent administrator and a rude bureaucrat, an ardent nationalist and a supporter of the autonomy of the Tatars - all these characteristics were received by one person, Moskal Gennady Gennadievich.
Biography
He was born in the village of Zadubrovka, Chernivtsi region, on December 11, 1950, in an international family: Ukrainian Moskal Stepania Pavlovna and Tatar Gaifullin Gennady Khadeevich. And immediately the mysterious story of the surname of the future politician began.
Gennady Moskal himself, whose biography has become a tasty morsel for journalists, says that for two years before his father's death he bore his surname, which then changed to his mother's, apparently for security reasons. After allless than seven years have passed since the mass deportation of Tatars accused of aiding the Germans in the Crimea. The Tatars were viewed with suspicion, if not hostility, so the name change seemed reasonable.
In 1966, after studying eight classes, Gennady entered the railway technical school, graduated from it in 1970 and immediately went to work in Ternopil as an inspector in the wagon industry, where he worked until 1973 with a break for a two-year military service.
Serving in the authorities
But the opportunities for growth and the position of a roadman did not match the vigor and ambitions of Moskal. In 1973, he moved to Chernivtsi and got a job in the criminal investigation department, simultaneously with the service he studied in absentia at the Higher Police School, which he graduated with the rank of lieutenant in 1980.
The service career of a capable inspector went uphill, along with her personal life was getting better. In November 1977, he married Orisa Linsky and took her last name. Journalists found not only copies, but also original documents from the registry office, confirming this fact. Under Linsky, he is recorded in the birth certificate of the only daughter, Irina.
Motives of the act could not be found out, but there is a version that the politician still has two passports with different surnames. It is not surprising that Gennady Moskal himself rejects all this. The biography and business of a public person is completely in the palm of the public, especially for a politician such a fact is a blow to reputation. The Muscovite tried through the court to refute the results of the "false"investigation, but in 2013 the Chernivtsi court refused him. Then the Maidan began, and the story of the politician's three names was safely forgotten.
From inspector to governor
Moskal confidently walked up the career ladder, distinguished by his ability to work and zeal. In 1978 he was a senior inspector of the Chernivtsi ATC. In 1984 - Deputy Head of the District Department of Internal Affairs, in 1986 - Head of the Criminal Investigation Department of the Chernivtsi Regional Executive Committee, in 1992 - Head of the Regional Criminal Police. In 1995, Gennady Gennadievich moved to neighboring Uzhgorod to lead the police of the Transcarpathian region.
And in 1997 he became the head of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Crimea. The first high-profile scandals happened here, and public opinion was divided. For some, Moskal became a threat of organized crime, while others were outraged by his connections with gang leaders. The authorities highly appreciated the cool methods and results of the main Crimean policeman. In 2000, Moskal headed the next regional police department, now in Dnepropetrovsk.
Governorships and Rada
In June 2001, Gennady Moskal, whose biography made the second big zigzag, became the governor of the Transcarpathian region he knew. Thus begins his controversial and colorful political career. The first short-lived governorship was remembered for conflicts with the Rusyns and a resolute rejection of their talk of autonomy.
Since September 2002, he headed the State Committee for Nationalities and Migration for three years and was especially remembered for the initiative to create a full-fledged Autonomy in CrimeaTatars. It was strange to hear this from a fierce opponent of the separatism of the Transcarpathian Rusyns. One of the explanations was the version that Gennady Moskal, whose biography and nationality have Tatar roots, shows loy alty to the Tatars in memory of his father.
It is interesting that at the same time Moskal became a supporter of the future "orange" president - Yushchenko, in whose camp were the main Tatar nationalists, the leaders of the Mejlis. In the winter of 2005, Yushchenko first appointed Gennady Gennadyevich head of the Kyiv criminal police, where Yuriy Lutsenko was his boss, and already in November of this year - the governor of the Luhansk region. The Muscovite, in his characteristic tough manner, defended Yushchenko's interests, but after a resounding victory in the local elections of the Communists and the Regionals in 2006, he asked for his resignation.
During the year, he held several important government posts: he represented the interests of the president in Crimea, was deputy head of the SBU and deputy secretary of the country's National Security Service. And in the fall of 2007, Moskal successfully passed the parliamentary elections from the People's Self-Defense party, created by Yu. Lutsenko. In the next parliamentary elections in 2012, he receives a deputy seat from Yatsenyuk's party, Zmin Front, which is merged into the Tymoshenko Bloc.
Euromaidan is the business of snipers
During the events of Euromaidan, Gennady Moskal, whose biography has reached a new page, is an opposition member, deputy and chairman of the parliamentary commission investigating the murders on the Maidan. The investigation quickly yielded results: snipers were blamedfrom the special services and Yanukovych. Western politicians warmly supported this verdict, and Moskal earned a lot of political points.
Therefore, it looks logical to appoint him as governor of the Luhansk region, already blazing in a military conflict. It happened on September 18, 2014. The Muscovite immediately began to take drastic measures in the fight against separatism, supporting the volunteer battalions in every possible way. But after their obvious atrocities against civilians and innocents, the governor lashed out at them with criticism. Moskal also became famous for the idea of \u200b\u200bblockade of rebellious territories. He came to the post as a savior in a critical situation, and left, having quarreled with everyone.
On July 15, 2015, he once again became the governor of his practically native Transcarpathian region, and has held this position to this day.
