The 1980 Olympics in Moscow was overshadowed by two events: the death of Vladimir Vysotsky and the boycott of the Olympics by 65 countries in connection with the introduction of "a limited contingent of Soviet troops to help the fraternal people of Afghanistan." It should be noted that among the countries that joined the boycott were the countries of the East, with which the USSR had traditionally friendly relations. Only the countries of Eastern Europe and the countries of Africa remained on our side - for obvious reasons.
The price of the issue, according to official information, is 14,000 dead of our soldiers and officers. But who believes official statistics. In Afghanistan, roads became arteries through which rivers of blood flowed, as well as equipment, food and other aid. The withdrawal of our troops took place only after 10 years.
History of the Afghan question
Until 1980, he was closely interested in the history and political situation of Afghanistanexcept perhaps the international department of the Central Committee of the CPSU. After the introduction of troops, the people had to somehow justify the need to sacrifice very young guys. They explained something along the lines of "it is necessary in the name of the idea of world revolution", without going into too much detail. And only years later, with the advent of the Internet, did it become possible to understand why the citizens of our country gave their lives.
Afghanistan has always been a closed country. To understand its originality and the relationship between the many tribes and nationalities inhabiting it, one had to live there for many years, delving into all the subtleties of history and political structure. And to govern this country, especially from the policy of force, on the basis of Western values, one could not even dream of. So, what happened in the political system of Afghanistan on the eve of the "April Revolution"?
The Great Confrontation of Systems
Until 1953, Shah Mahmud was the Prime Minister of Afghanistan. His policy ceased to suit Zahir Shah (Emir), and in 1953 Daud, who was also Zahir Shah's cousin, was appointed prime minister. A very important point is the influence of family ties. Daud was not only tough, but also a cunning and dodgy politician who managed to 100% use the confrontation between the USSR and the USA during the Cold War.
The new prime minister, of course, took into account the territorial proximity of the USSR in his calculations. He was well aware that the Soviets would not allow the rise of US influence in his country. The Americans also understood this, which was the reason for the refusal toassistance to Afghanistan with weapons until the entry of Soviet troops in 1979. Also, due to the remoteness of the United States, it was foolish to hope for their help in the event of a conflict with the USSR. However, Afghanistan needed military assistance due to difficult relations with Pakistan at that time. As for the US, they supported Pakistan. And Daoud finally chose a side.
As for the political system in the time of Zahir Shah, given the many tribes and complex relationships between them, neutrality was the leading policy of the government. It should be noted that since the time of Shah Mahmud, it has become a tradition to send junior and middle officers of the Afghan army to study in the USSR. And since the training was also built on a Marxist-Leninist basis, the officer corps formed, one might say, class solidarity, mixed, among other things, on tribal cohesion.
So, the increase in the level of education of the officers of the Afghan army led to the strengthening of the military party. And this could not but alarm Zahir Shah, because such a situation led to an increase in the influence of Daoud. And to transfer all power to Daoud, while remaining an emir with him, was not part of Zahir Shah's plans.
And in 1964 Daoud was dismissed. Not only that: in order not to endanger the power of the emir in the future, a law was issued according to which none of the relatives of the emir could continue to hold the post of prime minister. And as a preventive measure - a small footnote: it is forbidden to renounce family ties. Yusuf was appointed prime minister, but, as it turned out, not for long.
New names in politics
So, Prime Minister Daoud is retired, a new prime minister has been appointed, and the Cabinet of Ministers has also been updated. But unforeseen complications arose: student youth took to the streets together with students demanding to be allowed to the parliament session and to assess the activities of the ministers who were seen in corruption.
After the intervention of the police and the first victims, Yusuf resigned. It should be noted that Yusuf was against the use of force, but here two directions came into conflict: the traditional patriarchal and the new liberal, which was gaining strength as a result of, apparently, well-learned knowledge taught in the lessons of Marxist-Leninist philosophy in the USSR. The students felt their strength, and the authorities - their confusion in the face of new trends.
Analyzing the active position of the students, we can assume that it was based on Western principles of education, and hence the self-organization of young people. And one more thing: the future leader of the Afghan communists, Babrak Karmal, played an active role in these events.
Here is what the French researcher Olivier Roy wrote about this period:
… the democratic experiment was a form without content. Western democracy only matters when certain conditions exist: the identification of civil society with the state and the evolution of a political consciousness that is something other than political theater.
"Friend of labor" - origin
Worker-peasant origin Babrak Karmalcould not boast. He was born on January 6, 1929 in the city of Kamari in the family of Colonel-General Muhammad Hussain Khan, a Pashtun from the Ghilzai tribe of Mollakheil, who was close to the royal family and was the governor-general of Paktia province. The family had four sons and a daughter. Babrak's mother was a Tajik. The boy lost his mother early and was raised by an aunt (mother's sister), who was the second wife of his father.
The nickname "Karmal", which means "friend of labor" in Pashto, was chosen between 1952 and 1956, when Babrak was a prisoner in the royal prison.
The biography of Babrak Karmal began quite well, in the best traditions: studying at the prestigious metropolitan lyceum "Nedjat", where teaching was conducted in German, and where he first got acquainted with new radical ideas for reorganizing the Afghan society.
The end of the lyceum took place in 1948, and by that time Babrak Karmal showed obvious inclinations of a leader, which came in handy: a youth movement was growing in the country. The young man takes an active part in it. But it was precisely because of his membership in the Students' Union of Kabul University in 1950 that he was denied admission to the Faculty of Law. However, the next year, Karmal still became a university student.
Student life and social activities
He plunged headlong into the student movement, and thanks to his oratorical skills he became its leader. Also, Babrak was published in the newspaper "Vatan" (Motherland). In 1952the opposition intellectual elite came forward with demands for the restructuring of Afghan society. Babrak was among the protesters and spent 4 years in the royal prison. After leaving prison, Babrak (now "Karmal"), having worked as a translator of German and English, ended up in military service due to compulsory military service, where he remained until 1959.
After successfully graduating from Kabul University in 1960, Babrak Karmal worked from 1960 to 1964, first at a translation agency and then at the Ministry of Planning.
In 1964, the adoption of the constitution took place, and from that time Karmal's active social activities began together with N. M. Taraki: the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) was organized, at the I congress of which in 1965 Babrak Karmal was elected Deputy Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party. However, in 1967 the PDPA split into two factions. Karmal became the head of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (Afghan Workers' Party), better known as "Parcham", which published the newspaper "Parcha" ("Banner").
In 1963-1973, the monarchical regime of Afghanistan decided to go for a democratic experiment, apparently taking into account the growing activity of the intellectual elite, as well as the fermentation of minds in the military environment. During this period, Karmal's activities were deeply conspiratorial.
But in 1973, the organization led by Karmal provided support to M. Daoud by carrying out a coup d'état. ATDuring the administration of M. Daud, Karmal did not have any official posts. However, M. Daud entrusted Babrak with the development of policy documents, as well as the selection of candidates for responsible positions at various levels. This state of affairs did not suit Babrak Karmal, and his activities in the group of M. Daoud ceased, but not without consequences: he was under covert surveillance, and they began to "squeeze" him out of public service.
In 1978, the NDPAB came to power. Karmal accepted the posts of Deputy Chairman of the Revolutionary Council of the DRA and Deputy Prime Minister. But two months later, on July 5, 1978, contradictions in the party escalated, as a result of which he was removed from these posts, and on November 27, 1978, he was expelled from the party with the wording "for participating in an anti-party conspiracy."
The military confrontation has already begun with the participation of the Alpha special group and Soviet weapons. On December 28, 1979, the path to power was cleared by the forces of the Soviet special services, and until the beginning of May 1986, Karmal was the general secretary of the Central Committee of the PDPA, chairman of the revolutionary council of the DRA, and until June 1981, he was also the prime minister.
great knowledge of the specifics of this country. It seems that for all interested parties, Karmal was a convenient "scapegoat" on which everything could be blamed.miscalculations.
Within the framework of a brief biography of Babrak Karmal, it is impossible to make a detailed description of all the events, as well as the actions of all statesmen who took part in the fate of this person and the country that he wanted to change. In addition, the leadership of the USSR changed, which was already solving other problems: Moscow no longer wanted to support Karmal, and "in the name of the highest interests of the country" he was asked to leave his post, transferring it to Najibullah. Najibullah accepted Karmal's resignation "due to a state of he alth undermined by a huge responsibility."
Last turn
Biography of Babrak Karmal and family are inextricably linked. He has been married to Mahbub Karmal since 1956. They have two sons and two daughters. He named one of his sons Vostok - after the name of the spaceship.
Since 1987, Karmal lived in Moscow in an honorary exile "for treatment and rest." In June 1990, at the II Congress of the "Friend of Labor" party, he was elected in absentia a member of the Central Council of the Party and Fatherland. He returned to Kabul on 19 June 1991 and remained there until the Mujahideen came to power in April 1992.
When Kabul fell, the family moved first to Mazar-i-Sharif, and then to Moscow. On December 1, 1996, B. Karmal died in the 1st Gradskaya hospital. His grave is in Mazar-i-Sharif.
